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Grant Shapps – Is the internet the saviour or corruptor of democracy?

Grant Shapps

Grant Shapps MP

Last night I was the only politician on a panel at a Henry Jackson Society debate The Internet: Saviour or Corruptor of Democracy?

Battle lines were drawn early on when the new media blogger Guido Fawkes (aka Paul Staines) savaged old school journalists – Nick Robinson (BBC) and Michael White (Guardian) accusing them of being part of a cosy Westminster consensus which he said was ill-prepared to shine light on the inner workings of MPs and their expenses.

Needless to say both Nick Robinson and Michael White struck back and the debate was perilously close to being hijacked by an interesting, though off-topic, debate about old media versus new – rather than whether the Internet is good or bad for democracy.

For what it’s worth, my contention is that the Internet is not just good for democracy, but could well be its saviour. New technology has the potential to open up the system in a way that has never been seen before. After all, at no other time in history has it been possible to gauge the reaction of constituents so swiftly, to be more transparent about what you’re doing or to quickly build a grass-root campaign about any subject under the sun.

And yet the Internet has appeared troubling to many politicians.

It’s blamed for a massive increase in correspondence from constituents who no longer experience the barrier of having to place a stamp on an envelope before walking the letter to a post box, in order to share their strongly held beliefs with their MP.

Surprisingly Peter Kellner (YouGov), himself an Internet pollster, wasn’t convinced either. Despite his firm being behind some of the fastest and most accurate public opinion research carried out in Britain today, Kellner positioned himself as the only member of the panel who shared the view of a decreasing number of politicians who would have apparently preferred that this InterWeb thingy had never been invented.

I tried to flesh out how I use Twitter.com/GrantShapps to let my constituents and others know what I’m up to and the way in which our Welwyn Hatfield Forum receives up to a quarter-of-a-million page impressions a month; as my constituents discuss local issues without having to wait for the letters page of the local newspaper to catch up.

But perhaps the most optimistic note about the Internet and politics was struck by Nick Robinson who believes that with the Internet in existence another Berlin Wall could never stay in place for quite so long. I’m not sure that the ability for every global citizen to be able to access and publish information in real-time will be enough to end all tyranny – but at a more mundane level I do know that it will always help me to stay better connected with my constituents and, as such, I reckon that overall it’s becoming pretty good for democracy.

Internet debate round-up

01-07-2009 – Ben | Debate, Delib news and events, Democracy and government, Participation, Social media, web 2.0 and other buzzwords

So you may have noticed that we were running this debate last night, ‘the internet: the saviour or corruptor of democracy?’, (with the help of the Henry Jackson Society, sponsored by MessageSpace and very graciously hosted in Parliament by Danny Alexander MP).

Our pretty prestigious panel comprised Paul Staines (Guido Fawkes blog), Peter Kellner (YouGov), Michael White (Associate Editor, the Guardian), Grant Shapps MP (Shadow Minister for Housing) and Nick Robinson (BBC Political Editor).  There were something like 120 people attending in person and we also opened up the debate via Twitter (you can read through the interactions and my frantic attempts to keep up coverage via #idebate).

My quick reflections on the debate are below; before that, though, you might want to check out our freshly uploaded photos of the event, a clip of the Michael White ‘tw@tter’ incident or Guido vs Nick Robinson

The good

  • That was a great line-up of panelists and guests for the first of what we hope will be at least several such debates.  Kudos to those involved in organising it and let’s hope it sets a precedent for highly engaging, high profile discussions on interesting topics.
  • It was fun (and hopefully beneficial) to try out the Twitter follow-along.  Personally, I enjoyed seeing people play with the fact that they could get a message broadcast live on the big screen and it was great to have participation from both within the room and across the world.
  • There were some big characters up on the stage and the coming-together of personalities and agendas was certainly entertaining (if not necessarily conducive to the most objective debate).
  • There were some great questions from the floor (on- and off-line) that hinted at a real interest at a sophisticated level in some big ideas about the relationship of the internet, ‘the people’, politics and democracy.
  • Loads of people went away with one of our ‘good online policy-making guides’; I genuinely think that the matching of internet tools and approaches to essential governance processes means the booklet will be of benefit to anyone involved in policy-making (and not just a handy bit of marketing for us).

The not-so-good

  • Only one slight gripe from me really: the vociferous interaction of our media panelists meant that the debate focused a bit too much on publishing, press and ‘push’ models for my liking – more a discussion of the impact of the democratisation of the media than necessarily democracy itself at times.  On a couple of occasions, the contributions felt like ‘my dad’s bigger than your dad’ rather than an attempt to identify and address problems or opportunities.  I guess that’s to be expected but, as a handful of Twitterers noted, it would’ve been nice to push harder at some of the more radical or fundamental issues around things like public participation in formal decision-making, privacy, open data, ongoing citizen engagement, leadership etc.
  • Actually, one other thing: we didn’t really get time to dig into the questions received via Twitter, which was a shame.

The miscellaneous

  • Couple of nagging curiosities from the event: 1) if we assume the internet challenges both, where in the balance of the system (referenda or representation?  ‘Clubs’ of media, politicians, campaigners etc or absolute open access?  Stuff like that…) and the medium (internet is the new telephone, a channel to do much the same job as before, only better) do we want to see change happen?  2) Moderation and making use of things like Twitter for feedback – is trust or zero-tolerance best?  Is it freedom of expression, futile or just fun to call Michael White a ‘twat’ because one can?  Do mass participation tools hit a human limit of saturation or information overload?
  • Our audience looked, on paper and in the flesh, like a bunch of interesting people – sad not to get more of a chance to talk to them afterwards
  • Parliament looks good in the sunshine!

That’s all for me for now – I’m sure other people can chip in (other write-ups are on the way already, including one on Guido’s own blog).

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Liberal Democrats launch the New Generation Group, set up to support talented party members from black and minority ethnic backgrounds

Nick Clegg and Vince Cable Launch New Generation Group
1st July 2009

Yesterday evening Nick Clegg, Leader of the Liberal Democrats and Vince Cable, Deputy Leader of the Liberal Democrats launched the New Generation Group, which has been set up to support talented party members from black and minority ethnic backgrounds.

Nick Clegg and Vince Cable were joined by Liberal Democrat MPs and peers and saw speeches from Meral Ece, Chair of Ethinic Minority Liberal Democrats and leading New Generation Liberal Democrat members and candidates including Meekal Hashmi, Merlene Emerson, Samantha Syrus-Wright and Lester Holloway.

Speaking at the event, Nick said “As the only real progressive force in British politics we are facing a huge opportunity to overtake Labour. The hopes that were raised in 1997 have been dashed and now it’s us who carries the torch of progressive politics. Just look at the last few months – on Gurkhas, political reform, the Iraq inquiry, honesty on the economy.

Across our whole party – from here in Parliament out to our campaigners on the streets – we are championing the future, on education, the environment, social mobility.

But in order for the Liberal Democrats to meet the challenges ahead it is not enough for us to simply stand for tolerance and diversity. We must embody it. We as a party must give a voice to communities across the country, representing and reflecting modern Britain.

The time for apologies from political parties for not being diverse enough is over. We need to get out there and show all of Britain’s communities that we are now the way forward. That’s something we take extraordinarily seriously, as do Liberal Democrat parliamentarians and peers, but we cannot do it without the people in this room – our ambassadors.”

Simon Woolley, founder of Operation Black Vote, spoke to the group and hailed the candidates as the ‘Obama generation of politicians’. He also stressed that a breakthrough in diversity was desperately needed in the House of Commons at the next general election.

Find out more:
Ethinic Minority Liberal Democrats
Operation Black Vote

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Human rights warning over MPs’ expenses regulation

Who is going to press the button to scrap all this human rights nonsense which is materially affecting the rights of the suffering tax payers ???

Human rights warning over MPs’ expenses regulation

new bill runs into more trouble

By Daniel Bentley – Press and Journal

Published: 01/07/2009

PLANS for the independent regulation of MPs’ expenses claims are incompatible with human rights laws, an influential parliamentary committee warned last night.

The Joint Committee on Human Rights (JCHR) cast the proposals in doubt even as controversial legislation to bring them into force was being sped through the House of Commons.

The Parliamentary Standards Bill, introduced in the wake of the MPs’ expenses scandal, is expected to complete its Commons stages today.

It will create an independent watchdog to regulate the allowances system and create criminal offences which could see errant MPs facing jail.

But, in a report rushed out at short notice last night, the cross-party JCHR claimed it would violate MPs’ rights under the European Convention on Human Rights.

It said the new regulatory system outlined in the bill would not comply with the right to a fair hearing under Article 6 of the convention.

Committee chairman Andrew Dismore said: “It is ironic that a bill which is primarily designed to restore public confidence in the House of Commons is being rushed through parliament and will not receive proper scrutiny.

“We are clear that if the bill is passed as it stands, it will only be a matter of time before the European Court of Human Rights finds a violation of a member’s right to a fair hearing.”

The committee’s intervention is only the latest controversy to hit the bill after the Clerk of the House, Malcolm Jack, warned that it would weaken parliament.

Dr Jack, giving evidence to the Commons justice committee, last night restated a separate concern that the bill would have a “chilling effect” on MPs’ freedom of speech.

While the government is determined to get the bill on the statute book before the summer recess, MPs have condemned the speed at which it has been pushed through.

In the Commons last night, senior Tory Sir Patrick Cormack accused ministers of acting with “indecent haste” given the constitutional implications of the legislation.

The bill will set up a new commissioner for parliamentary investigations to probe allegations of expenses abuse. At the same time, an Independent Parliamentary Standards Authority would have powers to sanction MPs in response to the commissioner’s findings.

But the JCHR said the new system would not satisfy the entitlement to an “independent and impartial tribunal” under human rights legislation.

It said “the procedural safeguards in the bill fall well short of the minimum requirements for fairness and are insufficient to prevent breaches of the right to a fair hearing occurring in practice”.

The committee called for last-minute changes to the bill to provide more detail about the “procedural safeguards” for MPs and to introduce a right of appeal to another body.

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David Cameron taunts Gordon Brown about his “relaunch without a price-tag”

Picture 1 David Cameron was on combative form as he responded to Gordon Brown’s statement in the Commons this afternoon on the publication of Building Britain’s Future.

Here are excerpts of the Conservative leader’s response from the Despatch Box:

“The Prime Minister talks about Building Britain’s Future. But isn’t it time the British people were asked whether they want him to be part of it? No recognition in that statement that they’ve been in office for 12 years; No recognition of the catastrophic state of the public finances. The Prime Minister is living in a dream world in which spending is going up, investment is going up, infrastructure is being boosted. When is someone going to tell him that he’s run out of money?

He talks for instance about housing. Let me just give him one figure. Housebuilding today is at the lowest level since 1947. People are entitled to ask simply what world he is living in. Mr Speaker, I expect, like me, you will be thinking you have heard a lot of that statement before. And that’s not just because the Prime Minister ignored your injunction and leaked most of it in advance. It’s because we have heard most of it before. How many times has the country been told to expect the Prime Minister’s vision? How many times has it been told to expect a string of policy announcements that was going to be bold reform?

Every single re-launch collapses. And today didn’t it happen more quickly than usual? At 7.50am, Peter Mandelson took to the airwaves and promptly sunk the whole thing by cancelling the Government’s spending review. So isn’t what we have today a package without a price tag? It is just a combination of rehashed initiatives, ideas taken from the Opposition, and some timid and bureaucratic top-down tinkering.

I have to admit there are some good things in here. That’s because we thought of them: The future fund; Carbon capture and storage demonstrations. At least they can read and take dictation. Saying for instance if you don’t take the job you won’t get the benefit. We announced that at our Party Conference two years ago. Every year he says we don’t have any policies. And every year he fills his Draft Legislative Programme with them.

Much of the rest of this programme is just rehashed from previous years. The simplification of our immigration rules.   That was announced in last year’s programme. The Floods Bill. That was recommended in 2007, announced in 2008, and re-announced again this morning in 2009. One-to-one tuition.  The NHS check-ups.  Both announced last year. The Constitutional Renewal Bill.  That is back for the third time in a row.  This time apparently it’s going to include Lords reform. But the Prime Minister hasn’t been reforming the Lords; he’s been stuffing it with his cronies. It’s the one area of employment in Britain that’s rising.

Isn’t the real renewal our country needs not just another Bill but a General Election? Where’s the Heritage Protection Bill, announced last year? Where are the regulatory budgets that the Prime Minister announced as a way of cutting red tape on business? And what’s happening – not a word about the Royal Mail. This was going to be the great virility test of the Prime Minister’s reforming zeal.   Where is it? Stuck in the post? We were promised Second Reading before the summer recess. Where is it?

Lord Mandelson said in today’s FT he was finding himself “jostled” out of the programme. I can’t believe Lord Mandelson of Upgrade has ever been jostled out of anything. But let me make the Prime Minister an offer. If he hasn’t got time in his packed Parliamentary schedule to get his Royal Mail reforms though, would he like to have our Opposition Day Debate to have the Second Reading next week? Would he welcome that? Just nod.

So much for all the Prime Minister’s talk about tough decisions. He has bottled it once again.”


“To listen to his statement you would think the Treasury was rolling in money. When is someone going to tell him it has run out? Let me read out what the OECD said just this morning. They say the Government has got to be more ‘ambitious’ and more ‘explicit’ about the need for spending cuts. The OECD is joining a growing list – from the IFS to the Governor of the Bank of England and frankly half his Cabinet in private – who admit he has got to be straight with people on spending.

So let me just ask the Prime Minister this very simple question. Will there be a spending review before the General Election? This morning the First Secretary said there wouldn’t, and then the Treasury said there might be. Who speaks for the Government? Any household or company faced with this level of debt would start to get it under control. Isn’t it essential to start reviewing spending now?

If the first big failure of today’s announcement is the lack of honesty on spending, the second failure is surely a lack of real reform of our public services. I suppose we should be grateful for one thing. Year after year this Government and this Prime Minister has promoted and defended its targets culture. Today, they have finally admitted they were wrong all along. But make no mistake:  these proposals are about top-down bureaucratic tinkering, not real freedom.

On schools, the Prime Minister talks about putting power in parents’ hands. So why is he replacing the raw data of school league tables with manufactured report cards? On the police, why is the Prime Minister just talking about empowering citizens rather than giving them the chance to vote for their elected representatives? On health, why is he restricting the choices people have, rather than letting them and their GPs choose where they get treated?

Then there’s the addiction to the initiative. Just take one – Parenting Orders. This is the big new idea apparently on school discipline. It was actually announced in September 2004. And in the past five years, how many pupils have been disciplined in this way? A big fat zero. That is the truth behind the Government’s announcement.

The truth about today’s statement is it only serves to highlight the decline of this Government. Their money has run out. Their political capital has run out. And now their time is running out too.”


“What we’ve got today is yet another re-launch – a re-launch without a price-tag. And isn’t it clear to the whole country that the only way to sort out our finances; to get real reform of our public services; and the only way to build Britain’s future is to change this wretched Government?”

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The BBC can learn from politicians’ mistakes – Jeremy Hunt MP

By Jeremy Hunt MP, Shadow Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport.

Over the last few weeks MPs have learned the hard way that there is no point being half hearted when it comes to transparency over expenses. We’ve made big mistakes and the public have rightly been angry. But with independent scrutiny and more openness things are finally starting to improve.

The BBC needs to take note and avoid the same mistakes. Dragging your feet on transparency does not work. Yesterday’s announcements published the expenses claims of just 10 people in an organisation of 23,000. We are still no closer to unpicking the Beeb’s £14m taxi bill or £15m domestic flight bill.

So here are a few things I think the BBC should do:

  • Learn from the mistakes of parliament and be forthcoming with information the public wants, and has the right, to know. Transparency means showing the expense and salary details of the many not the few.
  • Instigate proper independent scrutiny of expenses to assess whether they were justified. If some are not, then they should be paid back.
  • Allow the National Audit Office in at any time to judge whether BBC expenditure, including expense claims, offer value for money. Currently the NAO can only go in on the invitation of the BBC – that is not good enough.
  • Be more flexible and open when it comes to Freedom of Information. Requests must not compromise journalist sources but the public does have a right to know how much BBC staff spend on taxis and lunches.
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Successfully restoring fiscal credibility

by Dr Patrick Nolan, Chief Economist, Reform

Spending cuts is the only game in town. Both the OECD and the Governor of the Bank of England have (in their own ways) emphasised a need for a debate on reducing government expenditure and debt. In April this year Reform released a detailed plan for expenditure reductions of at least £30 billion from 2010-11. The proposals in the report were widely debated in the media and at a series of lunch seminars, which highlighted that restoring the government’s finances requires being honest with the electorate about what has to be done.

As politicians such as David Cameron and Vince Cable appear to have recognised, making so called ‘efficiency savings’ will not be enough. The fiscal situation requires bold measures like addressing middle class welfare, reducing pay and employment in the civil service, focusing defence procurement on the UK’s real military needs and controlling increasing health expenditure.

Yet there has been limited political appetite for outlining a clear programme of expenditure and deficit reductions. International examples, however, highlight that UK politicians may be unnecessarily cautious – many countries have undertaken major programmes of reform that have restored fiscal creditability and improved the quality of their services. To highlight possible lessons from governments that have successfully reduced deficits this article briefly looks at reforms in New Zealand and Canada in the 1990s. (Many other examples could be given from countries such as Australia, Chile and Sweden.)

New Zealand 1991 – Self Reliance and Private Enterprise

A centre-right government was elected in New Zealand in November 1990. The incoming government faced a larger than expected fiscal deficit (approaching 20 per cent), as the economy moved into recession and funds were required to stop the country’s largest bank from collapsing. In 1991 the Minister of Finance, Ruth Richardson, introduced a wide-ranging budget (which, evoking memories of the 1990-91 Gulf War, came to be known as ‘the mother of all Budgets’). Key initiatives contained in the Budget included:

• removing middle class welfare, such as replacing a universal child benefit with targeted family assistance. This reduced the degree of churn in the welfare system, where tax rates on higher income earners were used to fund transfers they receive with associated administrative and deadweight costs. David Cameron and Vince Cable have raised similar concerns regarding the need for tax credits in the UK to be more effectively targeted to families in need

• addressing the growing costs of pensions, through reforming the levels at which pensions are paid, adjusting the degree to which assets and incomes are taken into account in the assessment of entitlement, and raising the qualifying age

• reforming main welfare (e.g., benefits for people out of work) and supplementary assistance (e.g., housing assistance) to improve incentives for work

• restructuring the health system to separate funding from provision of services and introduce part-charging patients for in-hospital and outpatient services (and moving towards a defined list of core treatments the state would fund).

Some elements in the new government saw this budget as principally about bringing a runaway fiscal deficit into balance and being consistent with principles of self-reliance and private enterprise. Other elements viewed this budget as supporting an enterprise culture through encouraging a profound change of attitude and behaviour. This focus on an enterprise culture reflected the influence of the Chicago and Virginia schools of economic thought.

To ensure that the shift towards a more prudent fiscal policy achieved in the 1991 Budget became permanent, in 1994 a Fiscal Responsibility Act was introduced to improve fiscal policy by specifying principles of responsible fiscal management and strengthening reporting requirements. This Act highlighted the importance of transparency of fiscal plans and aggregates in ensuring ongoing political commitment to reducing public debt.

Canada 1994 – Nothing is Off Limits

Federal government net debt in Canada increased from the 1980s through the early 1990s as a result of lower economic growth, reaching 70 per cent of GDP by 1994.  Debt servicing costs were rising and adding to the fiscal deficit, further increasing debt.

During the tenure of Paul Martin, Liberal Finance Minister from 1994 to 2002, Canada was the first G7 nation to return to budget balance after the recession in the 1990s, the debt-to-GDP ratio was reduced by 20 per cent (the largest decline among G7 nations) and unfunded pension liabilities were addressed.

As with New Zealand in the early 1990s, reductions in debt were achieved by taking a broad approach to reform. No areas of expenditure were off limits. Focus also went beyond merely limiting the growth of expenditure and making ‘efficiency measures’ (which may help reallocate expenditure but not reduce debt).

These reforms also highlighted the importance of looking beyond the short-term costs and benefits of cuts. Deficits increase the requirement to raise the taxes facing future generations of workers (or reduce the entitlements they will eventually receive), and represent transfers of wealth from the future to the present.  A key lesson from these reforms was thus that providing assistance to the well-off through increasing burdens on future taxpayers cannot be seen as fair. When it comes to reform, being bold can and has worked.

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Launching the 2009 Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) Economic Outlook

Keynote speech by OECD Secretary-General, Angel Gurría, on the occasion of the launch of the OECD Economic Outlook, No.85 at the OECD Forum.

Paris, France, 24 June 2009

Good morning ladies and gentlemen.

Today is an important day for the OECD. This Outlook covers over 80 per cent of the world economy and in that sense it is not so much an OECD outlook as a global outlook. It also reflects the increasing reality of the OECD. This year at the MCM we have the 40 ministries that make up for over 80 per cent of the world economy.

In my remarks this morning I will provide you with an overview of our Economic Outlook and the forces that will be driving economic prospects over the next year and a half. I will then handover to Mr. Elmeskov, the acting Chief Economist, who will elaborate on the risks around the projection and highlight the key challenges facing policymakers.

The recovery is likely to be both weak and fragile

Today’s launch of the Economic Outlook contains both good news and bad news. The bad news is that we still anticipate a deep contraction in output. For the OECD area at large, GDP is forecast to shrink by 4.1 per cent this year, as shown in the table on page 2 of the handout, which is available in the back of the room. World trade is set to fall by as much as 16 per cent, due to a host of economic influences. And unemployment will continue to rise sharply, to reach 10 per cent of the labour force by the end of 2010. That represents an increase of 25 million unemployed since the trough in late 2007. The figure on page 6 shows starkly the rise in unemployment.

The good news is that economic activity in OECD countries is reaching bottom, following the deepest decline since the Second World War. In fact, this is the first Economic Outlook in two years to revise up previous projections for OECD economic growth compared with the previous Outlook.  But we should not get carried away. The upward revision is fairly modest and we foresee a recovery that will be rather slow and fragile for some time.

One reason for guarded optimism is the improvement in financial markets that we have seen in recent months. The spread between 3-month money market rates and risk-free rates has come down to levels below those prevailing after the Lehman default, as shown on page 7 of the handout, share prices have rebounded from their low points (page 8) and bond spreads have come down both for corporations and for sovereign borrowers. There has also been some slight improvement in banks’ credit standards.

We are also seeing signs that OECD activity may be approaching its lowest point. The figure on page 10 of the handout illustrates how business confidence has begun to move up across the OECD area.  But it also shows that business confidence remains at a fairly depressed level. It is like that with most of the green shoots.  They represent improvements compared with the really atrocious time we have been through, but they are not really anything to write home about.

It is, however, worth noting that business confidence seems to have turned the corner at different times in different regions. This relates to the staggered nature of the recovery we see across countries.  Activity in the major non-OECD countries is likely to firm first, becoming supportive to OECD area growth (page 11). This partly reflects that they are not being held back by the need to undertake balance-sheet repair work the way that households and financial sectors are in many OECD sectors.

Turning to the specifics of the forecast:

  • The Chinese economy is already recovering, supported by substantial monetary and especially fiscal stimuli, while Indian activity is also benefitting from policy stimulus and is likely to gain greater momentum once world trade stabilises. The rebound in commodity prices should support a modest recovery in Russia while activity in Brazil should firm in the second half of the year as domestic demand strengthens from improving credit conditions and fiscal stimulus. The figure on page 12 of the handout provides detail on our projections for Brazil, China, India and Russia.
  • A US recovery from later this year is anticipated, driven by strong policy stimulus, a normalisation of stockbuilding and the bottoming out of residential construction.  But rising unemployment and the need to repair their balance sheets will hold back private consumers.  Thus, as the fiscal policy impulse tails off in 2010, the economy doesn’t really gather speed and does not make any headway in reducing unemployment.
  • In Japan, policy stimulus and stockbuilding are also major ingredients in the recovery story and residential investment also helps.  On the other hand, the level of the yen is still holding back the external side.
  • The euro area recovery is being held back by a back-up in saving as households worry about rising unemployment and we therefore see only a return to modest positive growth from the beginning of 2010.  Financial conditions also have improved less than elsewhere.  The figure on page 13 of the handout shows the profile of GDP in the three major OECD economies.

Let me now turn to prices. A lot has been said about this, with some people worried about deflation and others being worried about high inflation. Page 14 of the handout shows the headline inflation path in our projection.  Basically, the large spare capacity implies that inflation falls to low levels, with only Japan experiencing deflation.  It is also the case that inflation expectations outside Japan remain firmly in positive territory. Nonetheless, we cannot fully exclude the deflation risk.

Against this background, it is necessary that monetary policy remains expansionary in order to ensure a sustained economic recovery. This means interest rates should stay at their current low level (page 15 of the handout) through the projection period.  It may even be useful for central banks, as some have already done, to signal in an appropriate conditional way that rates will stay at this level for some time to come.  That should help to lower rates further out on the yield curve.

I would now like to hand over to Jorgen Elmeskov, who will run through the risks attached to the outlook and the policy challenges that lie ahead.

The risks are now more evenly balanced

Thank you Secretary General. Let me start with the general point that the risks around the current set of projections are more balanced than around previous ones. In particular, a really disastrous outcome seems to have become a much more remote risk. We discuss a number of concrete risks in the Outlook, including oil and commodity prices and the effect of reduced uncertainty.

Here I will just focus on the risk related to financial conditions. As the Secretary General said financial conditions have improved and we assume that they will stay broadly unchanged through the rest of this year before gradually normalising through next year. This assumption could be too cautious.

Box 1.4 in the Outlook looks at the effect of better outcomes in this area. For example, if financial conditions continue to improve from now through to the end of the projection, instead of only beginning to improve from the end of the year, growth in 2010 could be between ½ and ¾ point higher.

But things could also get worse. One risk would be higher bond rates given the amount of debt governments are running up. As you can see on page 16 of the handout, bond yields have already backed up though the reasons are not so clear.

Many policy challenges lie ahead

Let me shift to policies. As the Secretary General has made clear we think that conventional monetary policy needs to remain expansionary through the projection period. We also think the unorthodox policies to boost liquidity and credit should be continued for some time to come.

So we are not so concerned about the swelling of central bank balance sheets that you see on page 17 of the handout. One reason is that there is so much near-term slack in OECD economies that a strong bounce-back in inflation seems unlikely. Another reason not to be too worried is that a lot of the liquidity measures are explicitly temporary or are designed so that they automatically become less attractive as conditions in financial markets normalise. Third, it should be possible for central banks to mop up the remaining excess liquidity. It is obviously important that central banks have the right tools for this task.

Scaling back the unorthodox measures will be part of an exit strategy from the extraordinary policy interventions over the past year. In the handout on page 18 there is a table which gives an overview of government interventions to stabilise financial institutions. These measures will eventually need to be unwound. Doing so is likely to be more difficult if countries act alone and may call for international co-ordination.

But before focusing on exit, there are some areas where more may need to be done. The US stress tests have given a boost to confidence. Other regions may also find it useful to not only pursue such tests but also make both the assumptions and results public and press for recapitalisation where banks are found to be insufficiently solid. You can also see in the table showing government interventions on page 18 of the handout and in Box 1.6 of the Outlook which gives details for individual countries, that so far it is only fairly few countries that have taken action to remove impaired assets from bank balance sheets.

Over to fiscal policy. As you can see on page 19 of the handout we project some large government deficits. So consolidation will be necessary. But withdrawing stimulus too early could jeopardise the weak recovery. How the balance is struck will depend on country specific factors such as the strength of the recovery, the size of the deficit and the level of existing debt.

But wherever a country stands on this near-term balance, it is important to give a credible commitment that consolidation will be undertaken when the economy is strong enough. Many governments have already announced consolidation plans. Box 4.5 in Chapter 4 of the Outlook describes these medium-term plans.

Chapter 4 also presents some stylised scenarios out to 2017, under the assumption that by that date economies are back to their long-term equilibrium with output gaps closed. Depending on the size of the projected 2010 budget deficit, different degrees of consolidation are built in across countries as shown on page 20 of the handout.

The good news is that with assumed consolidation which is large in some cases but not without precedent, countries either get back to budget balance or at least a good part of the way. What is without precedent, though, is the simultaneity of fiscal consolidation across countries.

Budget consolidation is made harder by the permanent output losses as a result of the crisis. As you can see on page 21, we estimate that the crisis will permanently reduce the level of trend output in the OECD area by almost 3 per cent. That is partly because we expect the crisis to permanently increase the cost of capital which again will lead to a less capital-intensive production. It is also because we expect structural unemployment to go up. We estimate, for example, that structural unemployment in the euro area will rise by almost 2 percentage points as you can see on page 22.

The way to offset the crisis effects on unemployment and trend output is of course through structural reform. We think we know some of what needs to be done in that area. But in the short term the focus may be more on avoiding that things go in the wrong direction. I will finish by mentioning two concerns in that area.

First, a number of government interventions to rescue domestic enterprises have been harmful to international competition. The same where fiscal stimulus packages have come with side-conditions on using local suppliers.  And high and rising unemployment of course makes this a dangerous time in the trade area.

Second, fiscal consolidation could further hit potential output unless it is done the right way. Expenditure cuts are generally preferable to revenue hikes. And higher revenue should preferably come from base broadening and from broad-based taxes such as general consumption taxes, with a useful supplement possibly coming from green taxes or revenue from auctioning emission permits.

So to sum up, it looks as if OECD economies are now nearing the bottom. Even if the coming recovery may be slow, such an outcome is a major achievement of economic policy, given the risk that an even worse scenario might have materialised. But this is no time to relax – economic policy needs to ensure that the recovery stays on track and leads towards a long-term sustainable growth path.

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Blackout Britain: Threat Of Climate Change


Blackout Britain: Threat Of Climate Change

7:04am UK, Wednesday June 24, 2009
Electricity and water supplies remain “far too vulnerable” to disruption and failure because of gaps in the UK’s infrastructure system, civil engineers have warned.
Efforts have been made to counter terrorism threats, but the effects of climate change are only just being considered, while the prospect of system failure is “barely focused”, said the Institution of Civil Engineers.

Evidence from more than 70 sources, including regulators, agencies and service providers, showed that work to improve utility networks was “piecemeal”.

The UK is vulnerable to “crises” unless efforts to improve the network are stepped up, it was warned.

We should be under no illusions – there are dangerous weaknesses in our critical infrastructure and utilities networks that need to be addressed.

Alan Stilwell of the Institution of Civil Engineers:
Alan Stilwell, of the ICE, said: “When the Atomic Weapons Establishment site at Burghfield flooded in 2007, all radiation detection alarms were disabled.

“It was only down to luck that the flood waters didn’t lead to the spread of radioactive material that could have affected thousands of people and left the area near the factory uninhabitable for centuries.

“In the same year 350,000 people were left without water for 17 days when the Mythe water treatment works flooded.

“Last year hundreds of thousands of people were hit by electricity blackouts when the Sizewell B nuclear reactor and Longannet coal-fire power station unexpectedly broke down within minutes of each other.

“We should be under no illusions – there are dangerous weaknesses in our critical infrastructure and utilities networks that need to be addressed.”

Mr Stilwell said a new body or even a “resilience tsar” was needed so there was a single point of authority to tackle the issue.

“Well-defended critical infrastructure is central to the security and stability of the nation,” he said.

“We must work now to fortify our networks, or pay the economic, social and environmental price in the future.”

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Swine Flu vaccination

Swine flu funding call rejected

The Scottish Government is seeking funding towards the cost of vaccination

Calls for Westminster to foot the bill for vaccinating everyone in Scotland against swine flu have been rejected by the Scottish secretary.

Jim Murphy dismissed the Scottish Government’s plea to be given £100m in contingency funding.

He said the costs should be met from within the budgets of the devolved administrations.

Scotland’s health secretary, Nicola Sturgeon, called for the UK Treasury to make contingency funds available.

Mass vaccination is the agreed policy of health ministers across the UK, but those in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland want the Westminster government to pick up the bill.

Nicola’s got to be careful that she isn’t seen to be playing politics with this issue
Jim Murphy
Scottish Secretary

In a BBC Scotland interview, Ms Sturgeon argued that mass vaccination was in line with policy across the UK and should be paid for by the Treasury.

She said: “We think it’s right the UK contingency funding should be available, as it was for example during the foot-and-mouth outbreak.”

Mr Murphy said Ms Sturgeon and health agencies were “doing a good job” but added: “Where I disagree, is that Scotland should have additional money over and above anywhere else in the United Kingdom.

“The health service in Scotland has to be treated in the same way as the health service in England, Wales and Northern Ireland.

“I think Nicola’s got to be careful that she isn’t seen to be playing politics with this issue. I don’t think she intends to but I think there’s an element of that creeping in.”

Another 21 new cases of the infection have been confirmed in Scotland, bringing the total so far to 647.

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New Speaker John Bercow – Appointment receives mixed reviews

ToryDiary: We must now hope that John Bercow will succeed

Parliament: David Cameron’s congratulatory marks to the new Speaker of the House of Commons, John Bercow

WATCH: Glum faces on Tory benches as John Bercow is dragged to Speaker’s Chair on the back of Labour and Liberal Democrat votes

New Speaker is Tory hated by his party, tainted by expenses furore… and facing plot to unseat himDaily Mail

“There he stood in the big green chair, puffed up like an amphibian that had scoffed too many volauvents. ‘My first thought at this time,’ he said from Parliament’s bully pulpit, ‘is, as you will understand, of…’  He was going to mention his wife but at this point a female voice from the Tory benches shouted: ‘Your wages.’” – Quentin Letts in the Daily Mail

“Angry Tories last night refused to congratulate new House of Commons Speaker John Bercow – after branding him a turncoat. Conservatives folded their arms in disgust after their colleague won. One backbencher shouted: “Not in my name.”" – The Sun

Picture 5 “In their standing ovation – including most on the Tory benches – MPs showed every sign last night of wishing him to succeed. Certainly no other candidate has fought harder for the job or thought longer about how to do it.” – Telegraph

“Bercow told MPs he was the “clean break” candidate able to draw a line under the expenses scandal that forced his predecessor, Michael Martin, out of office. “I want to implement an agenda for reform, for renewal, for revitalisation and for the reassertion of the core values of this great institution in the context of the 21st century,” he said in his appeal for votes.” – Guardian

> Jonathan Isaby on CentreRight: Speaker Bercow’s detractors must judge him on how he performs in his new role

New on other blogs

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